Pagina de Entrada
Alemanes Al exterior
Dias de fiesta
Ayuda De la Preparacion
Aprenda El Aleman
Recorrido a Alemania
Hechos Sobre Alemania
Medioses de Comunicacion
Guerra De Treinta Anos
Republica De Weimar
De la posguerra
Era De Honecker
Pared De Berlin
Torta De Chocolate Alemana
Platos De Pascua
Platos De Halloween
Platos De Navidad
Como en a Alemania
Problemas de políticas parlamentarias en la república de Weimar
La Republica De Weimar fue sitiado con problemas serios del principio que eso condujo a muchos alemanes a retener la ayuda de la nueva democracia parlamentaria o a intentarla activamente para destruirla. El izquierdo extremo y mucho de la derecha proporcionaron a opositores ma's vitriolic de la república. Sus partidarios incluyeron el bulto de la izquierda, representado por el SPD, y la derecha moderada, compuesta del partido de centro y del DDP. Sin embargo, en las horas dominantes estos partidarios no pudieron comportarse responsable debido a inexperiencia política, interés propio estrecho, o programas poco realistas del partido.
El obstáculo más serio la nueva república hecha frente era la denegación de muchos alemanes para aceptar su legitimidad. La izquierda extrema lo miró mientras que un instrumento del propertied para prevenir la revolución, recordando el acuerdo de Ebert con los militares en noviembre de 1918 que dio lugar a la supresión sangrienta del ejército de las rebeliones izquierdistas de finales de 1918 y principios de 1919. En la cara de esta alianza SPD-militar, los elementos de la izquierda consideraban el SPD tan grande una barrera a sus metas como los conservadores. Representado por el partido comunista de Alemania (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands -- KPD), la izquierda extrema sentía una hostilidad tan que aguantaba a la república de Weimar que cooperó ocasionalmente con la derecha del extremo en esfuerzos de destruir la república.
La derecha planteó una amenaza más grave a La Republica De Weimar que la izquierda extrema porque gozó de la ayuda de la mayoría del establecimiento de Alemania: los militares, las élites financieras, la burocracia del estado, el sistema educativo, y mucho de la prensa. Unlike political parties in well-established democracies, the right-wing parties in the Reichstag could not be considered a loyal opposition because their ultimate aim was to abolish the new system of government. The right opposed democracy and desired to establish a conservative authoritarian regime. The right styled those who were party to the armistice and to the Treaty of Versailles as "November criminals" because of Germany's loss of territory and sovereignty and the burden of enormous war reparations. The increasing acceptance by many of the "stab in the back" legend, which attributed Germany's defeat in World War I to the treachery of the SPD and others on the left rather than to the military might of the Allies, intensified the hatred many rightists felt toward the republic. Like some on the extreme left, many on the right used violence, either petty and random or large-scale and concerted, to attain their ends. Throughout the short life of the Weimar Republic, various political groups maintained gangs of youths organized into paramilitary forces.
In addition to venomous political opposition, the republic had to contend with a weak economy plagued by high rates of inflation and unemployment. Inflation was fueled partly by the enormous wartime debts the imperial government had contracted rather than raise taxes to finance the war. Even more inflationary were the enormous war reparations demanded by the Allies, which made economic recovery seem impossible to many objective expert observers. Inflation ruined many middle-class Germans, who saw their savings and pensions wiped out. Unemployment also remained epidemic throughout the 1920s, hurting millions of wage earners and their families. Their economic misery made these groups susceptible to the claims of extremist political parties.
The pervasive social and political discontent growing out of Germans' grievances, justified or not, soon had consequences. A right-wing coup d'tat in March 1920, the Kapp Putsch--named for its leader, Wolfgang Kapp--failed only because of a general strike.The military had refused to intervene, although it did brutally suppress some Communist-inspired uprisings shortly thereafter. The establishment's tacit support of unlawful right-wing actions such as the Kapp Putsch and violent repression of the left endured to the end of the Weimar Republic. This support could also be seen in the sentences meted out by the courts to perpetrators of political violence. Right-wing terrorists usually received mild or negligible sentences, while those on the left were dealt with severely, even though left-wing violence was but a fraction of that committed by the right.
Dissatisfaction with the republic was also evident in the June 1920 elections, in which the Weimar coalition lost its majority. A combined total vote of 28.9 percent for the DNVP, a descendant of the prewar Conservatives, and the DVP, composed mainly of National Liberals, reflected German middle-class disillusionment with democracy. Both parties wished to abolish the Weimar constitution. SPD strength fell to 21.7 percent, as some workers defected to the extreme left. The Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany, formed during the war, effectively ceased to exist as some members joined the KPD, formed in December 1918, and the remainder reunited with the SPD.
The Weimar coalition never regained its majority. Because no party ever gained as much as 50 percent of the vote, unstable coalition governments became the rule in the 1920s, and by the end of the decade more than a dozen governments had been formed, none capable of unified action on major problems. The SPD and the Center Party often could agree on questions of foreign policy, such as compliance with the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, but split on domestic issues. Conversely, the Center Party agreed with parties to its right on domestic issues but split with them on foreign policy. Thus, minority governments were formed that often showed little internal coherence during their brief lives.
The year 1923 was one of crisis for the republic. In January French and Belgian troops occupied the highly industrialized Ruhr area because of German defaults on reparations payments. The Weimar government responded by calling upon the Ruhr population to stop all industrial activity. The government also began printing money at such a rate that it soon became virtually worthless; by the fall of 1923, wheelbarrows were needed to carry enough currency for simple purchases as inflation reached rates beyond comprehension. In 1914 US$1 had equaled 4 marks. By mid-1920, US$1 was worth 40 marks, by early 1922 about 200 marks, a year later 18,000 marks, and by November 1923 -- 4.2 trillion marks. In addition, the country was racked by strikes, paramilitary street violence, and rumors of planned uprisings by both the left and the right. In August, in the midst of this chaos, President Ebert asked Gustav Stresemann, head of the DVP, to form a new government to resolve the crisis.
- La Republica De Weimar, 1918-1933
- Problemas de politicas parlamentarias
- La Era De Stresemann
- Hitler y la subida de socialismo nacional